The Treaty of Vienna crafted by Prince Metternich resulted in European peace and stability from 1815 to 1853. The key was a mutual support association of the monarchs of Europe both big and small and curtailment of the money complex, or cabal.
Then along came the actor and puppet Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte (1808–1873), who marked a shift into money cabal-controlled war business and state-directed corruption. Louis-Napoleon, nephew of Napoleon Bonaparte I, ruled both as the first president of France (1848-1852) and the last French monarch (1852-1870). He represented laconic axiom corruption at home and aggression abroad.
The trick used by Bonaparte III, the equivalent of the neocons today, was to exercise the right to intervene (aka regime change) in the domestic affairs of other countries. Napoleon III did so in a way opposite to the way Metternich had intended it; namely, in the name of a new principle of “international solidarity,” or mutual solidarity among nationalist and democratic states bent on freeing one another from the yoke of alleged traditional tyrannies.
Louis-Napoleon portrayed himself as the selfless champion of democratic solidarity based on the “immortal principles.”
Once these immortal principles took hold, the bodies started to pile up, as did guns-and-butter debt financing that the bankster money complex was happy to oblige. And true to form in our own era, his regime was notorious for manipulating the press and the wide-scale buying of editors and journalists.
Louis-Napoleon was a creature of the cosmopolitan international elite. Though he had been born in Paris, he had lived very little in the city. From the age of 7, he had lived in exile in Switzerland, England, Germany and the United States. He spent six years in prison in France for attempting to overthrow King Louis-Philippe. He spoke French with a pronounced German accent.
He received some of his education in Germany at the gymnasium school at Augsburg, Bavaria. His tutor at home was Philippe Le Bas, an ardent Illuminist republican and the son of a revolutionary and close friend of Robespierre. Le Bas taught him French history and radical politics.
Young Louis-Napoleon was 15 when his family moved to Rome, where the Bonapartes had a villa. There, he passed his time learning Italian, exploring the ancient ruins and learning the arts of seduction and romantic affairs, which he used often later in life.
He was reunited with his older brother Napoleon-Louis, and together they became involved with the Carbonari, a secret Freemason-offshoot revolutionary society fighting Austria’s domination of northern Italy. The older Bonaparte lost his life in Italian intrigues.
His conspiracy in France began in Strasbourg. The colonel of a regiment was brought over to the cause.
On Oct. 25, 1836, Louis-Napoleon arrived in Strasbourg in the uniform of an artillery officer and rallied the regiment to his side. The prefecture was seized and the prefect arrested. Unfortunately for Louis-Napoleon, the general commanding the garrison escaped and called in a loyal regiment that surrounded the mutineers. The mutineers surrendered and Louis-Napoleon fled back to Switzerland.
Louis-Napoleon returned to London for a new period of exile in October 1838. He had inherited a large fortune from his mother and took a house with 17 servants and moved in several of his old friends and fellow conspirators.
He was received by London society and met the political and scientific Illuminist leaders of the day, including Benjamin Disraeli and Michael Faraday. He also did considerable research into the economy of Britain. A very good case could be made that Louis Napoleon was a British agent.
In the summer of 1840, he was back in the coup d’etat business. He bought weapons and uniforms and had proclamations printed. He gathered a contingent of about 60 armed men and hired a ship called the Edinburgh-Castle.
On Aug. 6, 1840, without interference from the English he sailed across the Channel to the port of Boulogne, where his attempted coup d’état turned into an even greater fiasco than the Strasbourg mutiny. The mutineers were stopped by customs agents and soldiers of the garrison refused to join. Mutineers were surrounded on the beach and one was killed and the others arrested.
Louis-Napoleon escaped and went back to London, where few wondered about the origin of the money for his conspiracies. The backstory was that he had an affair with wealthy heiress Harriet Howard (1823–1865).
They met in 1846, soon after his return to Britain. They began to live together, and she took in his two illegitimate children and raised them with her own son. The backstory is she also provided financing for his political plans so that, when the moment came, he could return to France.
Then, out of the blue on Dec. 10, 1848, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte won the first direct presidential elections ever held in France with an overwhelming 74% of the votes cast.
He wanted to run for re-election in 1852 but was blocked by the new Constitution, which limited him to one term. A majority of members of parliament voted to change the Constitution but lacked the two-thirds majority required to change the law.
Prevented from running again, Louis-Napoléon, with the help of the army, staged a coup d’état on Dec. 2, 1851, and seized power. His opponents were arrested or exiled. On Dec. 2 the following year, Louis-Napoleon declared himself Emperor of France and adopted the throne name Napoléon III.
Within less than a year, France engaged in the Crimean War against Russia (October 1853 to February 1856). Typical of Crime Syndicate-inspired events, the war was noted for its “notoriously incompetent international butchery.”
France sent the bulk of troops and suffered 135,485 dead (mostly of disease) and 39,870 wounded out of 309,000 troops deployed.
The whole tawdry affair expressed from the Russian point of view:
France takes Algeria from Turkey, and almost every year England annexes another Indian principality: none of this disturbs the balance of power; but when Russia occupies Moldavia and Wallachia, albeit only temporarily, that disturbs the balance of power.
France occupies Rome and stays there several years during peacetime: that is nothing; but Russia only thinks of occupying Constantinople, and the peace of Europe is threatened. The English declare war on the Chinese, who have, it seems, offended them: no one has the right to intervene; but Russia is obliged to ask Europe for permission if it quarrels with its neighbor.
England threatens Greece to support the false claims (Don Pacifico affair) of a miserable Jew and burns its fleet: that is a lawful action; but Russia demands a treaty to protect millions of Christians, and that is deemed to strengthen its position in the East at the expense of the balance of power. We can expect nothing from the West but blind hatred and malice … (comment in the margin by Nicholas I: ‘This is the whole point’). — Mikhail Pogodin’s memorandum to Nicholas I, 1853
The Second Italian War of Independence (April 26 to July 12, 1859) was effectively about who would control and rule a unified Italy.
The French army for the Italian campaign against Austria had 170,000 soldiers, 2,000 horsemen and 312 guns — half of the whole French army. The campaign triggered threats of uprising back in Paris and Vienna and forced a quick conclusion.
Napoleon III sacrificed thousands of soldiers in this adventure. Fifty-five hundred were killed, 1,100 went missing, 17,054 were wounded and 2,040 died of disease.
The next misadventure — called the Second French Intervention in Mexico — was an invasion of Mexico launched in late 1861.
Showing himself to be a hired gun for usury plutocrats — and supported by the U.K. per usual, as well as Spain — the French invasion was enforcement of Money Cabal/Crime Syndicate dictates. Mexican President Benito Juárez had imposed a two-year moratorium of loan-interest payments from July 1861 to French, British and Spanish creditors.
Napoleon III claimed the military adventure was a foreign-policy commitment to free trade.
To keep the U.S. busy and drag out the Civil War, French banksters funneled funds to the Confederacy to help assist war efforts.
When the American Civil War ended in 1865, the U.S. immediately got involved in the lucrative war biz through the selling of Mexican bonds by Mexican agents in the U.S. The Juarez Administration raised between $16 million and $18 million for the purchase of American war material.
Between 1865 and 1868, U.S. Gen. Herman Sturm acted as an agent to deliver guns and ammunition to the Mexican Republic led by Juarez.
A series of battles and warfare ensued until 1867.
Maximilian was installed as a puppet monarch of the Second French Empire. He failed to leave with the bulk of the French Army when Napoleon III announced a withdrawal in the face of U.S. pressure.
Maximilian was executed on June 19, 1867, after capture by the Mexicans. Additionally, 6,654 French died, including 4,830 from disease.
In July 1870, Napoleon III carelessly entered the Franco-Prussian War (July 19, 1870 to Jan. 18, 1871) without allies and with inferior military forces. Fortunately for European manhood, this bumbling into a war didn’t get out hand as the French army was rapidly defeated. Napoleon III was captured at the Battle of Sedan, and his reign came to an inglorious end. Following his release as a POW, Bonaparte once again returned to England and died there of cancer in 1873.
The last Napoleon III fiasco cost France 138,871 casualties and 143,000 wounded. Civilian deaths totaled a quarter of a million, including 162,000 Germans who died from a smallpox epidemic spread by French prisoners of war.
Napoleon III negotiated the 1860 Cobden–Chevalier free trade agreement with Britain and similar agreements with France’s other European trading partners.
Napoleon III was a spendthrift and proponent of public-private sponsorships involving international finance. Funds claimed for railroad-building work rose, in absolute value, from 250 million French francs between 1852 and 1854 to 500 million francs in 1855 and 520 million in 1856.
The number of bills of exchange presented for discount increased (thus the portfolio average of the Banque de France rose) from 115 million French francs in 1851 to 556 million in 1857; in other words, an almost five-fold increase.
The Jewish Pereire brothers of Credit Mobilier in 1854 subscribed to take down most of the war loan of the French government raised during the Crimean War, thus starting a long-standing pattern of war finance.
As Napoleon III redeveloped Paris, the Crédit Mobilier speculated on real estate using inside information. It collaborated with Georges-Eugène Haussmann to develop neighborhoods, such as rue de Rivoli, Opéra and Place de l’Etoile.
The bank had large investments in front-running Paris real estate, transatlantic steamship lines, urban gas lighting, a newspaper and the Paris public transit system.
The rebuilding of Paris did leave a permanent legacy and was not entirely a white elephant project. Still, Haussmann and Napoleon III were criticized for the growing cost of these projects.
The estimated cost for the 26,290 metres (86,250 ft) of new avenues had been 180 million francs but grew to 410 million francs. Property owners whose buildings had been expropriated won a legal case entitling them to a larger payments.
The center of the city was also a cradle of discontent and revolution. Between 1830 and 1848, seven armed uprisings and revolts broke out in the center of Paris, particularly along Faubourg Saint-Antoine around the Hôtel de Ville and around Montagne Sainte-Geneviève on the Left Bank. The residents of these neighborhoods took paving stones and blocked narrow streets with barricades. They were eventually dislodged by the army.
Between 1853 and 1870, massive urban renewal programs included demolition of medieval neighborhoods deemed overcrowded and unhealthy by officials.
There was building of wide avenues, new parks and squares, the annexation of the suburbs surrounding Paris, and the construction of new sewers, fountains and aqueducts. Even so, Haussmann’s work was met with fierce opposition.
The mushroom cloud of borrowing by the State, the “départements,” the towns and cities, by the Crédit Foncier bank, and by French and foreign railway companies had been spectacular.
Typical of most dark-triad hypocrites, Napoleon III’s mission was to fight kings and emperors (his new colleagues), to weaken the prestige of the monarchy in Europe, to disintegrate all empires and to make the Revolution triumph everywhere, with all the implications this would have carried.
Yet as a monarch, Napoleon III had a particularly lustrous court, teeming with title holders and gold-spangled dignitaries. He conferred hereditary noble titles that included all the privileges of the old, traditional ones.
As a matter of principle, he fought with fanatical zeal to the point of making this the very purpose of his reign – against the principle underlying the privileges by virtue of which he ruled.